President
Bush Visits Prague, Czech Republic, Discusses Freedom
June
5th, 2007, White House press release
Large Hall
Czernin Palace
Prague, Czech Republic
THE PRESIDENT: President Ilves, Foreign Minister
Schwarzenberg, distinguished guests: Laura and I are pleased
to be back in Prague, and we appreciate the gracious welcome
in this historic hall. Tomorrow I attend the G-8 Summit,
where I will meet with the leaders of the world's most
powerful economies. This afternoon, I stand with men and
women who represent an even greater power -- the power of
human conscience.
In this room are dissidents and democratic activists from 17
countries on five continents. You follow different
traditions, you practice different faiths, and you face
different challenges. But you are united by an unwavering
conviction: that freedom is the non-negotiable right of
every man, woman, and child, and that the path to lasting
peace in our world is liberty. (Applause.)
This conference was conceived by three of the great
advocates for freedom in our time: Jose Maria Aznar, Vaclav
Havel, and Natan Sharansky. I thank them for the invitation
to address this inspiring assembly, and for showing the
world that an individual with moral clarity and courage can
change the course of history.
It is fitting that we meet in the Czech Republic -- a nation
at the heart of Europe, and of the struggle for freedom on
this continent. Nine decades ago, Tomas Masaryk proclaimed
Czechoslovakia's independence based on the "ideals of modern
democracy." That democracy was interrupted, first by the
Nazis and then by the communists, who seized power in a
shameful coup that left the Foreign Minister dead in the
courtyard of this palace.
Through the long darkness of Soviet occupation, the true
face of this nation was never in doubt. The world saw it in
the reforms of the Prague Spring and the principled demands
of Charter 77. Those efforts were met with tanks and
truncheons and arrests by secret police. But the violent
would not have the final word. In 1989, thousands gathered
in Wenceslas Square to call for their freedom. Theaters like
the Magic Lantern became headquarters for dissidents.
Workers left their factories to support a strike. And within
weeks, the regime crumbled. Vaclav Havel went from prisoner
of state to head of state. And the people of Czechoslovakia
brought down the Iron Curtain with a Velvet Revolution.
Across Europe, similar scenes were unfolding. In Poland, a
movement that began in a single shipyard freed people across
a nation. In Hungary, mourners gathered at Heroes Square to
bury a slain reformer -- and bury their communist regime,
too. In East Germany, families came together for prayer
meetings -- and found the strength to tear down a wall.
Soon, activists emerged from the attics and church basements
to reclaim the streets of Bulgaria, and Romania, and
Albania, and Latvia, and Lithuania, and Estonia. The Warsaw
Pact was dissolved peacefully in this very room. And after
seven decades of oppression, the Soviet Union ceased to
exist.
Behind these astonishing achievements was the triumph of
freedom in the battle of ideas. The communists had an
imperial ideology that claimed to know the directions of
history. But in the end, it was overpowered by ordinary
people who wanted to live their lives, and worship their
God, and speak the truth to their children. The communists
had the harsh rule of Brezhnev, and Honecker, and Ceausescu.
But in the end, it was no match for the vision of Walesa and
Havel, the defiance of Sakharov and Sharansky, the resolve
of Reagan and Thatcher, and fearless witness of John Paul.
From this experience, a clear lesson has emerged: Freedom
can be resisted, and freedom can be delayed, but freedom
cannot be denied.
n
the years since liberation, Central and Eastern European
nations have navigated the difficult transition to
democracy. Leaders made the tough reforms needed to enter
NATO and the European Union. Citizens claimed their freedom
in the Balkans and beyond. And now, after centuries of war
and suffering, the continent of Europe is at last in peace.
With this new era have come new threats to freedom. In dark
and repressive corners of the world, whole generations grew
up with no voice in their government and no hope in their
future. This life of oppression bred deep resentment. And
for many, resentment boiled over into radicalism and
extremism and violence. The world saw the result on
September the 11th, 2001, when terrorists based in
Afghanistan sent 19 suicidal men to murder nearly 3,000
innocent people in the United States.
For some, this attack called for a narrow response. In
truth, 9/11 was evidence of a much broader danger -- an
international movement of violent Islamic extremists that
threatens free people everywhere. The extremists' ambition
is to build a totalitarian empire that spans all current and
former Muslim lands, including parts of Europe. Their
strategy to achieve that goal is to frighten the world into
surrender through a ruthless campaign of terrorist murder.
To confront this enemy, America and our allies have taken
the offensive with the full range of our military,
intelligence, and law enforcement capabilities. Yet this
battle is more than a military conflict. Like the Cold War,
it's an ideological struggle between two fundamentally
different visions of humanity. On one side are the
extremists, who promise paradise, but deliver a life of
public beatings and repression of women and suicide
bombings. On the other side are huge numbers of moderate men
and women -- including millions in the Muslim world -- who
believe that every human life has dignity and value that no
power on Earth can take away.
The most powerful weapon in the struggle against extremism
is not bullets or bombs -- it is the universal appeal of
freedom. Freedom is the design of our Maker, and the longing
of every soul. Freedom is the best way to unleash the
creativity and economic potential of a nation. Freedom is
the only ordering of a society that leads to justice. And
human freedom is the only way to achieve human rights.
Expanding freedom is more than a moral imperative -- it is
the only realistic way to protect our people in the long
run. Years ago, Andrei Sakharov warned that a country that
does not respect the rights of its own people will not
respond to the rights of its neighbors. History proves him
right. Governments accountable to their people do not attack
each other. Democracies address problems through the
political process, instead of blaming outside scapegoats.
Young people who can disagree openly with their leaders are
less likely to adopt violent ideologies. And nations that
commit to freedom for their people will not support
extremists -- they will join in defeating them.
For all these reasons, the United States is committed to the
advance of freedom and democracy as the great alternatives
to repression and radicalism. (Applause.) And we have a
historic objective in view. In my second inaugural address,
I pledged America to the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in
our world. Some have said that qualifies me as a "dissident
president." If standing for liberty in the world makes me a
dissident, I wear that title with pride. (Applause.)
America pursues our freedom agenda in many ways -- some
vocal and visible, others quiet and hidden from view. Ending
tyranny requires support for the forces of conscience that
undermine repressive societies from within. The Soviet
dissident Andrei Amalrik compared a tyrannical state to a
soldier who constantly points a gun at his enemy -- until
his arms finally tire and the prisoner escapes. The role of
the free world is to put pressure on the arms of the world's
tyrants -- and strengthen the prisoners who are trying to
speed their collapse.
So I meet personally with dissidents and democratic
activists from some of the world's worst dictatorships --
including Belarus, and Burma, and Cuba, and North Korea,
Sudan, and Zimbabwe. At this conference, I look forward to
meeting other dissidents, including some from Iran and
Syria. One of those dissidents is Mamoun Homsi. In 2001,
this man was an independent member of the Syrian parliament
who simply issued a declaration asking the government to
begin respecting human rights. For this entirely peaceful
act, he was arrested and sent to jail, where he spent
several years beside other innocent advocates for a free
Syria.
Another
dissident I will meet here is Rebiyah Kadeer of China, whose
sons have been jailed in what we believe is an act of
retaliation for her human rights activities. The talent of
men and women like Rebiyah is the greatest resource of their
nations, far more valuable than the weapons of their army or
their oil under the ground. America calls on every nation
that stifles dissent to end its repression, to trust its
people, and to grant its citizens the freedom they deserve.
(Applause.)
There
are many dissidents who couldn't join us because they are
being unjustly imprisoned or held under house arrest. I look
forward to the day when a conference like this one include
Alexander Kozulin of Belarus, Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma,
Oscar Elias Biscet of Cuba, Father Nguyen Van Ly of Vietnam,
Ayman Nour of Egypt. (Applause.) The daughter of one of
these political prisoners is in this room. I would like to
say to her, and all the families: I thank you for your
courage. I pray for your comfort and strength. And I call
for the immediate and unconditional release of your loved
ones. (Applause.)
In the
eyes of America, the democratic dissidents today are the
democratic leaders of tomorrow. So we're taking new steps to
strengthen our support. We recently created a Human Rights
Defenders Fund, which provides grants for the legal defense
and medical expenses of activists arrested or beaten by
repressive governments. I strongly support the Prague
Document that your conference plans to issue, which states
that "the protection of human rights is critical to
international peace and security." And in keeping with the
goals of that declaration, I have asked Secretary Rice to
send a directive to every U.S. ambassador in an un-free
nation: Seek out and meet with activists for democracy. Seek
out those who demand human rights. (Applause.)
People living in tyranny need to know they are not
forgotten. North Koreans live in a closed society where
dissent is brutally suppressed, and they are cut off from
their brothers and sisters to the south. The Iranians are a
great people who deserve to chart their own future, but they
are denied their liberty by a handful of extremists whose
pursuit of nuclear weapons prevents their country from
taking its rightful place amongst the thriving. The Cubans
are desperate for freedom -- and as that nation enters a
period of transition, we must insist on free elections and
free speech and free assembly. (Applause.) And in Sudan,
freedom is denied and basic human rights are violated by a
government that pursues genocide against its own citizens.
My message to all those who suffer under tyranny is this: We
will never excuse your oppressors. We will always stand for
your freedom. (Applause.)
Freedom
is also under assault in countries that have shown some
progress. In Venezuela, elected leaders have resorted to
shallow populism to dismantle democratic institutions and
tighten their grip on power. The government of Uzbekistan
continues to silence independent voices by jailing human
rights activists. And Vietnam recently arrested and
imprisoned a number of peaceful religious and political
activists.
These
developments are discouraging, but there are more reasons
for optimism. At the start of the 1980s, there were only 45
democracies on Earth. There are now more than 120
democracies -- more people now live in freedom than ever
before. And it is the responsibility of those who enjoy the
blessings of liberty to help those who are struggling to
establish their free societies. So the United States has
nearly doubled funding for democracy projects. We're working
with our partners in the G-8 to promote the rise of a
vibrant civil society in the Middle East through initiatives
like the Forum for the Future. We're cooperating
side-by-side with the new democracies in Ukraine and Georgia
and Kyrgyzstan. We congratulate the people of Yemen on their
landmark presidential election, and the people of Kuwait on
elections in which women were able to vote and run for
office for the first time. (Applause.) We stand firmly
behind the people of Lebanon and Afghanistan and Iraq as
they defend their democratic gains against extremist
enemies. (Applause.) These people are making tremendous
sacrifices for liberty. They deserve the admiration of the
free world, and they deserve our unwavering support.
(Applause.)
The
United States is also using our influence to urge valued
partners like Egypt and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan to move
toward freedom. These nations have taken brave stands and
strong action to confront extremists, along with some steps
to expand liberty and transparency. Yet they have a great
distance still to travel. The United States will continue to
press nations like these to open up their political systems,
and give greater voice to their people. Inevitably, this
creates tension. But our relationships with these countries
are broad enough and deep enough to bear it. As our
relationships with South Korea and Taiwan during the Cold
War prove, America can maintain a friendship and push a
nation toward democracy at the same time. (Applause.)
We're
also applying that lesson to our relationships with Russia
and China. (Applause.) The United States has strong working
relationships with these countries. Our friendship with them
is complex. In the areas where we share mutual interests, we
work together. In other areas, we have strong disagreements.
China's leaders believe that they can continue to open the
nation's economy without opening its political system. We
disagree. (Applause.) In Russia, reforms that were once
promised to empower citizens have been derailed, with
troubling implications for democratic development. Part of a
good relationship is the ability to talk openly about our
disagreements. So the United States will continue to build
our relationships with these countries -- and we will do it
without abandoning our principles or our values. (Applause.)
We appreciate that free societies take shape at different
speeds in different places. One virtue of democracy is that
it reflects local history and traditions. Yet there are
fundamental elements that all democracies share -- freedom
of speech, religion, press, and assembly; rule of law
enforced by independent courts; private property rights; and
political parties that compete in free and fair elections.
(Applause.) These rights and institutions are the foundation
of human dignity, and as countries find their own path to
freedom, they must find a loyal partner in the United States
of America.
Extending the reach of freedom is a mission that unites
democracies around the world. Some of the greatest
contributions are coming from nations with the freshest
memories of tyranny. I appreciate the Czech Republic's
support for human rights projects in Belarus and Burma and
Cuba. I thank Germany, and Poland, and the Czech Republic,
and Hungary, and Slovenia, and Georgia, Lithuania, Estonia,
Croatia for contributing to the new United Nations Democracy
Fund. I'm grateful for the commitment many new democracies
in Central and Eastern Europe are making to Afghanistan and
Iraq. I appreciate that these countries are willing to do
the hard work necessary to enable people who want to be free
to live in a free society. (Applause.)
In all these ways, the freedom agenda is making a
difference. The work has been difficult, and that is not
going to change. There will be triumphs and failures,
progress and setbacks. Ending tyranny cannot be achieved
overnight. And of course, this objective has its critics.
Some say that ending tyranny means "imposing our values" on
people who do not share them, or that people live in parts
of the world where freedom cannot take hold. That is refuted
by the fact that every time people are given a choice, they
choose freedom. We saw that when the people of Latin America
turned dictatorships into democracies, and the people of
South Africa replaced apartheid with a free society, and the
people of Indonesia ended their long authoritarian rule. We
saw it when Ukrainians in orange scarves demanded that their
ballots be counted. We saw it when millions of Afghans and
Iraqis defied the terrorists to elect free governments. At a
polling station in Baghdad, I was struck by the words of an
Iraqi -- he had one leg -- and he told a reporter, "I would
have crawled here if I had to." Was democracy -- I ask the
critics, was democracy imposed on that man? Was freedom a
value he did not share? The truth is that the only ones who
have to impose their values are the extremists and the
radicals and the tyrants. (Applause.)
And that is why the communists crushed the Prague Spring,
and threw an innocent playwright in jail, and trembled at
the sight of a Polish Pope. History shows that ultimately,
freedom conquers fear. And given a chance, freedom will
conquer fear in every nation on Earth. (Applause.)
Another objective -- objection is that ending tyranny will
unleash chaos. Critics point to the violence in Afghanistan,
or Iraq, or Lebanon as evidence that freedom leaves people
less safe. But look who's causing the violence. It's the
terrorists, it's the extremists. It is no coincidence that
they are targeting young democracies in the Middle East.
They know that the success of free societies there is a
mortal threat to their ambitions -- and to their very
survival. The fact that our enemies are fighting back is not
a reason to doubt democracy. It is evidence that they
recognize democracy's power. It is evidence that we are at
war. And it is evidence that free nations must do what it
takes to prevail. (Applause.)
Still, some argue that a safer goal would be stability,
especially in the Middle East. The problem is that pursuing
stability at the expense of liberty does not lead to peace
-- it leads to September the 11th, 2001. (Applause.) The
policy of tolerating tyranny is a moral and strategic
failure. It is a mistake the world must not repeat in the
21st century.
Others fear that democracy will bring dangerous forces to
power, such as Hamas in the Palestinian Territories.
Elections will not always turn out the way we hope. Yet
democracy consists of more than a single trip to the ballot
box. Democracy requires meaningful opposition parties, a
vibrant civil society, a government that enforces the law
and responds to the needs of its people. Elections can
accelerate the creation of such institutions. In a
democracy, people will not vote for a life of perpetual
violence. To stay in power, elected officials must listen to
their people and pursue their desires for peace -- or, in
democracies, the voters will replace them through free
elections.
Finally, there's the contention that ending tyranny is
unrealistic. Well, some argue that extending democracy
around the world is simply too difficult to achieve. That's
nothing new. We've heard that criticism before throughout
history. At every stage of the Cold War, there were those
who argued that the Berlin Wall was permanent, and that
people behind the Iron Curtain would never overcome their
oppressors. History has sent a different message.
The lesson is that freedom will always have its skeptics.
But that's not the whole story. There are also people like
you, and the loved ones you represent -- men and women with
courage to risk everything for your ideals. In his first
address as President, Vaclav Havel proclaimed, "People, your
government has returned to you!" He was echoing the first
speech of Tomas Masaryk -- who was, in turn, quoting the
17th century Czech teacher Comenius. His message was that
freedom is timeless. It does not belong to one government or
one generation. Freedom is the dream and the right of every
person in every nation in every age. (Applause.)
The United States of America believes deeply in that
message. It was the inspiration for our founding, when we
declared that "all men are created equal." It was the
conviction that led us to help liberate this continent, and
stand with the captive nations through their long struggle.
It is the truth that guides our nation to oppose radicals
and extremists and terror and tyranny in the world today.
And it is the reason I have such great confidence in the men
and women in this room.
I leave Prague with a certainty that the cause of freedom is not tired,
and that its future is in the best of hands. With
unbreakable faith in the power of liberty, you will inspire
your people, you will lead your nations, and you will change
the world.
Thanks for having me. And may God bless you. (Applause)
END 4:38 P.M. (Local)